Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Dedication -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- Groups in this Study -- Military Hegemonic Political System -- Dominant Party Political System -- Notes -- 2 Military, Bureaucracy, and Party Politics -- Pre-Military-Hegemonic Period -- Bureaucratic Elites and Economic Decision-Making -- Bureaucratic Elites and Political Decision-Making -- Military Hegemony -- Basic Democracies and Rural Works Program -- Financial Industrial Groups and Economic Institutions -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 3 Breakdown of the Military-Hegemonic System and the Emergence of the Pakistan People's Party -- Ayub's Fall and the Emergence of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) -- PPP: Three Phases of Development -- Party Media and the Image Makers -- Mass Mobilization: Bhutto's Political Style -- General Yahya Kahn and the Military Elites -- Ideological Debate Within the PPP -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 Patterns of Conflict in a Post-Military Hegemonic Political System -- The Politics of Personal Antagonism -- The Politics of Ideological Conflict -- The Politics of Regional Conflict -- The JUI-NAP Leadership -- Wali Khan's Strategy of Regime Confrontation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 The Politics of Economic Reform and Resistance -- Reform and Reformist Leadership -- Bhutto as a Reformist Leader -- Economic Power of the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Nationalizations and Their Effects on the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Labor Policy, Unrest, and the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Policies of Agrarian Reform -- Bhutto and the Promise of Land Reform -- Contradictory Goals: Radical Agrarian Reform and the Politics of Accommodation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 6 Patterns of Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Political Parties, and Public Opinion -- Constitutional Constraints.

Revised version of papers presented at an international conference held at New York during 11-13 April 2003

Discusses Pakistan's shift from its status as a Muslim state to an Islamist one. The radical religious transformation that has occurred in Pakistan is paradoxically bound up in both nationalism & Islamism. The chapter provides a definition of religio-political groups based on social networking; it considers historical & political factors in the groups' ascendancy; & it studies the particular religious & political characteristics & functions of the Dawat-ul-Iishad & Lashkar-e-Taiba. 1 Figure, 21 References. K. Coddon

Discusses Pakistan's shift from its status as a Muslim state to an Islamist one. The radical religious transformation that has occurred in Pakistan is paradoxically bound up in both nationalism & Islamism. The chapter provides a definition of religio-political groups based on social networking; it considers historical & political factors in the groups' ascendancy; & it studies the particular religious & political characteristics & functions of the Dawat-ul-Iishad & Lashkar-e-Taiba. 1 Figure, 21 References. K. Coddon

This paper is divided into three parts. The first part
provides an overview of literature on how the role and assessment of
bureaucracy in the Third World in general and Pakistan in particular has
undergone change. The second part examines the changing socioeconomic
profile and corresponding attitudinal changes if any, in Pakistan's
bureaucracy. The third part provides guidelines for possible reform in
Pakistan's federal bureaucracy.

Democracy as a system of governance and interest
representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises
the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities.
Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public
office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments
for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to
another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements,
no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan's experimentation
with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged
military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political
parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the
failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed
(1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only
recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical
writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of
electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian
regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992);
Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].